Cultural history enters the classroom

Luis Omar Montoya Arias

Member of the National System of Researchers

History is also part of education. History is taught, researching.

As of this writing, the world is facing the COVID pandemic.

Peter Burke classifies cultural history into old and new [NHC] (Hernández, 2010, p.417). The old cultural history was interested in painting, literature, chamber music. The new cultural history takes up the everyday, such as the relationship between canteens, alcoholism, northern music and prostitution. Cultural history is a different approach. Pay attention to symbols of daily life. "Cultural history spreads over fields cultivated by history, but it observes them differently" (Chinchilla, 2005, p.209). The NHC was rediscovered in the 1970s (Burke, 2004, p.5). It is not a 20th century invention; it has been cultivated in Germany since 1780 (Burke, 2004, p.6). The NHC is an academic frontier where history, anthropology, sociology and literary theory communicate (Chinchilla, 2005, p.210).

The academic practice of the NHC entails the anthropological concept of culture and the incorporation of tradition as a transmission of knowledge, from one generation to another (Burke, 2004, p.10). The New Cultural History is polysemic. It is linked to popular culture. The NHC is a semantic field that takes us to the linguistic turn of the 1970s (Burke, 2004, p.8). The linguistic turn has to do with the emergence of a new philosophy of history, interested in narration as an entity to represent the past. In 1973 Hayden White published Metahistory, a turning point in historical theory. White changed the type of historical writing. Linguistic turn is the introduction of literary theory in the understanding of historical writing. "Literary theory has much to teach historians about writing" (Ankersmit, 2001, p.22). White affirms that "the understanding of the past is determined by what the past was and by the language that the historian uses to refer to it" (Ankersmit, 2001, p.20). Linguistic turn is to reform the language.

Tradition is polysemy. It has been building and renewing, from Christian theology and social sciences. Tradition as an expression of permanence in time that weaves identity (Madrazo, 2005, p.115). Tradition is repetition, delivery. Pass, transfer, transmit successive energy. It happens in time. Go through it. Change is part of the tradition. It is incorporation, permanence and renewal. "Tradition is linked to identity" (Herrejón, 1994, p.135). The concept of tradition took refuge in the religious universe. It received new vigor in the 1970s, thanks to the Second Vatican Council. We go from tradition as writing to tradition as teaching (Pérez 1994, p.181).

From the newspaper consultation in the Municipal Historical Archive of Irapuato, and through the critical review of vice centers in the strawberry city during the first half of the 20th century, I outline a first case study that assembles perfectly, in the new cultural history. In previous paragraphs I shared with the reader approaches to cultural history, from the conceptual. I referred to important junctures to understand the historical semantics of the NHC. Next I will delimit the phenomenon of cultural history to a case study, woven from the hemerographic review in a historical archive of the Mexican Bajío. Theory and praxis, this is how scientific history works. The object of study is delimited and then academic knowledge is generated from the research. The professionalization of history has to do with the trade, with the inquiry, with the historiographical operation. That the NHC be taken to the classroom, from academic research.

Here I will give two examples of cultural history, from the research itself. With this exercise, I intend to situate the reader in the story as an elaborated discourse, from the definition of a problem, the choice and consultation of sources. I suggest paying attention to the choice of sources and their treatment, in the preparation of the following pages. The two case studies that I develop are in the orbit of the New Cultural History (NHC). The best way to teach history is by researching. It would be interesting for basic level students if the history of the Second World War is approached from the use of psychoactive substances and from the consumption of chewing gum, for example. The consumption of alcohol and music are cultural phenomena as old as they are everyday.

Canteens in Irapuato

The section is based on a newspaper investigation, carried out in the Municipal Historical Archive of Irapuato, Guanajuato, Mexico. The first fountain is dated 1909 and the last one 1951. In the narrative, the Hotel Rioja occupies a central place. It was inaugurated in 1905, in 1964 it was remodeled, in 1974 it was sold to the company, Real de Minas, and since 2009 it is known as Hotel San Francisco (Ayala, 2019). It is located in the historic center of the strawberry city, heart of the Mexican Bajío.

As will be demonstrated throughout the following pages, prostitution in Irapuato, during the first half of the 20th century, was linked to the canteens, the breweries, the pulquerías and the inns of the Central Market, today Mercado Miguel Hidalgo, located in the Plazuela that bears the same name of the Jesuit liberator born in Pénjamo, Guanajuato, on the border with La Piedad, Michoacán.

Pénjamo is a border city attached to a musical region whose main feature is embodied in the female duets of the ranchera song. From the decade of 1930, the migrations of Penjamens to Irapuato, increased, due to the appearance of radio stations in Irapuato. The migratory phenomenon was consolidated with the Bracero Program. Irapuato was a center for recruiting braceros. Families from Penjama emigrated to Irapuato for economic reasons and because the XEWE and XEBO were there, broadcasters of popular Mexican music. The female duets of the ranchera song were born in the south of Guanajuato, but they needed Irapuato to aspire to a media coverage that would later allow them to go to Mexico City and record for record labels. An economic circuit of Mexican music was: Pénjamo-Irapuato-Mexico City.

In March 1909, the newspaper El Día recorded the inauguration of a canteen in one of the premises of the Hotel Rioja, on Zueleros street, on the west side of the parish. The business was baptized as La Michoacana. Groceries and canteen, owned by Manuel Vázquez Ortega (El Día, 1909). In addition, the advertisement announces that Mercería La Providencia, owned by José Riquelme, “distributes carbonated water and refreshing sodas to the canteens” (La Providencia, 1909). We are in front of an economic circuit. A commercial distribution network, around alcohol, was woven.

As far back as the 1930s, an iron hand was heralded for bartenders. The Municipal Presidency, in agreement with the military authorities, reminded the owners and managers of alcoholic beverage outlets, the prohibition of access to these vice centers, to minors, women and uniformed men. “The first registered infraction will be punished with a fine of five pesos; the second with 10 pesos; the third with 50 and the fourth with the closure of the establishment” (Labor, 1931). The purpose was to restrict and eradicate “everything that results in the relaxation of customs and immorality”. The sponsor of the note was Tenería Kauffmann, a reference that invites us to remember the importance of Irapuato, at the beginning of the 20th century, as an important footwear manufacturing center in the Bajío, before León.

Considered by the municipal authorities of Irapuato as a problem, in 1932 they launched a campaign against the practice of pawning clothes in canteens, in exchange for alcoholic beverages. The Municipality threatened to close establishments that insisted on this practice (Labor, 1932). The newspapers of the time record a brawl at the Hotel Rioja. The situation described will be repeated throughout the first half of the 20th century, as we will see in the following pages that give life to this section on prostitution in Irapuato. Unfeasible to address the historical phenomenon of prostitution and alcoholism in Irapuato during the XX, without referring to the Hotel Rioja.

1942 is a year marked by blood. The canteens become the center of disputes. A man is assaulted in the Barrio Rojo cantina (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío 1941) whose owner was Magdaleno Gutiérrez. Miguel Maciel, a young worker at Jabonería La Constancia, was killed in the tolerance zone. The events occurred in a prostitution center located at Calle Manuel Acuña #23, run by Máximino Gómez. A victim of alcohol, Maciel humiliated the prostitutes, uncovered a large number of bottles and then refused to pay for them. Backed by influential friends who were with him, who were municipal employees, he threw a bottle at Gómez's face, who drew a pistol and fired three shots at Maciel.

“The wounded man, gun in hand, made his way and went out into the street, getting lost in the darkness. The musicians of the orchestra, to favor the interests of their patron, began to play, outrageously, a piece of obscene intent, while the hetairas, with the same goals, danced with each other, drunk. Maciel, on land, was in the grip of atrocious convulsions. The infernal hubbub in the brothel prevented the opportune presence of the agents of the authority, who arrived a quarter of an hour later; although always before the Red Cross ambulance, which made its appearance 30 minutes after being called. The doctor, Abelardo Leal Rodríguez, at the Sanatorio del Centro, seconded by the doctor Briones Pérez, performed a delicate operation on Miguel Maciel. In case of being saved, Miguel Maciel will be left with hemiplegia (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1942)”.

In the Imperial Cabaret, a vice center located a few steps from the Hotel Rioja, a scandal broke out that required the presence of the police. The jealousy of Pomposa Ortiz's amasio, owner of the place, was the cause of a terrible beating “that bathed her in blood; although the neighborhood Othello was also injured in the face” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1942).

Surely you already noticed that there are names of bartenders, pimps, doctors, canteens, brothels, streets and hospitals. It is relevant because it allows the mental drawing of an infographic on prostitution in Irapuato, a city of great importance for the Mexican Bajío: railway center, agro-industrial pioneer and owner of one of the most important military zones in Mexico.

On January 20, 1946, in the canteen of the Hotel Minerva, “a group of bullies from the neighboring town of Cuerámaro” met (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946). Due to exalted spirits due to excessive libations, the insults and the fondling of pistols began. As the enclosure was narrow, the rijosos chose to go out into the street, where they soon fired. Pablo García Moreno was injured and a National Railroad driver who was crossing in front of the canteen was unharmed. García Moreno, a former police officer, had robbed a 15-year-old student of money and a watch, in front of that hotel.

The Rhon y Coca Cola canteen, which operated on Sostenes Rocha street, was an epicenter of zafarranchos in 1946. The neighborhood was provided with whistles to request police help in each zipizape that registered in the vice center. “A notorious scandal took place in the cantina that concerns us, on the 19th of the current year, requiring the intervention of 10 policemen to take them to jail” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

June 2, 1946. Neighbors of Leandro Valle street cannot tolerate the inconvenience caused by the female anchors. Complainers must put up with the filth and stench of fry-ups and the late-night music of jukeboxes. The shrillness of the electromechanical devices ends at 5 in the morning. They don't let you sleep. There were demonstrations in front of the Hotel Rioja, located in the Portal Carrillo Puerto (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

June 19, 1946. At the edge of 8:00 p.m., an incident was recorded in the canteen of the Hotel Rioja. Witnesses to the events were well-known metropolitan politicians who were visiting Irapuato on the occasion of the arrival of the lawyer, Miguel Alemán, candidate for the Presidency of the Republic. Witnesses were Fidel Velásquez, General Secretary of the CTM, Francisco García Carranza, federal deputy, and Luis Chico Goerne. Due to an indiscretion by Miguel Mota, the bullfighter Juan Silveti made arguments with Luis Gámez and ended up hitting him. A brawl broke out. Gámez suffered the loss of his pistol, his fountain pen and a quantity of money that he carried in his pants pocket. Mr. Mota was slapped across the face and his glasses were smashed to pieces. Showcases and stained glass windows suffered the same fate. The authorities did not intervene, despite injuries, robbery, and damage to the property of others (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

The scene of unrest caused by the canteens, the consumption of alcohol and the reigning prostitution, generated municipal reactions, before the protests of the citizens of Irapuat. 1946 is key to studying the cultural phenomenon. Symmetrically, bartenders and jukebox holders complain to the authorities about the excessive taxes they must pay for the commercial use of recorded music. Of course, you have to pay taxes, but not so high, argue the owners of canteens, breweries and pulquerias in Irapuato (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

The press recorded the legal dispute between the Municipality and bartenders. The official decision consisted of putting a dam against vice. Luis Salgado Rojas, Municipal President of Irapuato, stopped granting licenses for the opening of canteens. The official premise was "make morality prevail." A fence was put on the dominant alcoholism. Military Camp Four, stationed in Irapuato, proposed the regulation "of canteens and other vice centers"; understand pulquerías, inns and breweries. "We must protect the youth from debauchery, immorality and its consequences" (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

The Presidency of the Civil Administration Board of Irapuato, ordered the defense of public morality, the repeal of permits to prevent new canteens from operating and restrict the operation of existing ones, at night. Women should be removed from vice centers. For the authorities, the bloody events that occurred in Irapuato were explained by the consumption of alcohol.

“By limiting the activity of canteens, many lives can be saved. The female element in establishments where alcoholic beverages are consumed contributes to exalting spirits and makes it easier for a brawl to arise with the incentive of lust. The taverns-brothels are the most effective means for the spread of venereal diseases, despite the efforts and sanitary campaigns that are developed” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946) expressed Luis Salgado Rojas, Municipal President of Irapuato.

The bartenders of Irapuato took refuge. The purpose of the City Council was that only a few establishments would operate at night. "The trend is moralizing, but it was not considered and lacks legal basis" (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946). The bartenders took steps before the Presidency of the Civil Administration Board, to achieve a reduction in tax collection. Given the government's indifference, they chose to commission a lawyer. He filed the amparo appeal before the District Judge in Guanajuato. "Only the State Congress is empowered to increase taxes, not the municipalities." The application for amparo was delivered in the capital of the State of Guanajuato. Ley agreed with the bartenders:

“The Civil Administration Board, in an effort to moralize, ordered the increase in the quotas for allowing the canteens to work overtime, starting at 10 p.m. The bartenders saw their tax expenses affected from 7 to 70 pesos per month . They hired the lawyer, Alfonso Chico Patiño to process an amparo from the Federal Justification. Last Friday, the owners of canteens requesting the amparo went to make their deposits in the Municipal Treasury, where they were not received. Yesterday the Municipal Treasury accepted the deposits, but the police went around that same Friday night forcing the bartenders to close their establishments at 10 p.m. According to the Chamber of Commerce and the Municipal Presidency, at 10 p.m. the bartenders will finish their activities, canceling any authorization for overtime. The owners of the canteens that operate in the tolerance zone of Irapuato, stated that they agreed to close during the day and operate at night (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946)”.

“The amparo filed by the lawyer, Alfonso Chico Patiño, on behalf of the owners of the canteens of Irapuato, against acts of the Municipal President and the Secretary of the Civil Administration Board of Irapuato, and Police Inspector, for having increased the payment of the extra hours that they had been working at night, obtained from the District Judge in the State of Guanajuato, the provisional suspension of the act claimed, on the condition that they guarantee fiscal interests. The owners of these vice centers will be able to continue working overtime at the price that was in force before the disposition that is being challenged, until the merits of the lawsuit are resolved. The District Judge took into account that the Civil Administration Board lacks legislative functions and powers to raise taxes. The case will be resolved by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation. The bartenders won the provisional suspension (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946)”.

The problems in the canteens did not end. Led by Miguel Ayala, Margarito Alvarado and Jesús Razo, the residents of Guerrero street, filed a complaint with the Presidency of the Civil Administration Board, requesting the cessation of licenses for the opening of more canteens. "On 5th street in Guerrero, vice centers have taken over, such as cantinuchas run by women of bad note" (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946). The neighbors accused the bartenders of poisoning society. They complained about the jukeboxes or noisemakers. Citizens denounced the existence of canteens a few meters from the Niños Héroes elementary school, when, according to the law, it was prohibited. In Mexico City, a canteen open on No Reelection street, despite being close to two educational centers and a parish church, worked without restrictions (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948). In addition to alcoholism, the Federation and the municipalities intensified their fight against marijuana traffickers (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948).

El Nevado de Toluca, a brewery that in 1946 served in front of the Hidalgo Garden, “on the sidewalk that limits the place where a bust of the Father of the Nation stands” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946). The press denounced the existence of barracks vending beer, which combined with the immoral use of jukeboxes, stunned the inhabitants.

A bracero from Oaxaca showed up at dawn on July 1, 1946, at the Irapuato police headquarters. He testified that he was beaten and stripped of a Steelco watch and a gold ring. He pointed out as perpetrators of the crime the manager of an allotment house on Manuel Acuña street, nicknamed "El poco lucha", and the bartender of the vice center, Rodolfo Bonilla Campos. The bartender declared that the bracero had consumed beer for $162.00 pesos, which was absurd for the authority, since "he was not accompanied by anyone and his drunken state was not consistent with the consumption claimed by the owner of the center of vice” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1946).

Hemerography of the time, recorded the existence of El Costeño, a canteen located on the streets of Ojinaga, Galeana and Corregidora. In this "the vicious come together, who find the same alcoholic beverages as whores dedicated to prostitution" (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1947). On February 21, 1948, a crime occurred in this canteen and brothel. The executor was the pimp, Refugio Salas, "of sad prestige in the underworld of the Irapuatense underworld" (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948). More events occurred in the El Salón Palacio canteen, located on the corner of Pípila and 16 de Septiembre, owned by Andrés Estrada. Another named by the authorities was Pedro Martínez, manager of the Acapulco Hall, "which operates 12 meters from the Presidency and 40 from a secondary school." Matías Lino, driver of Salas and Martínez, owner and bartender of Salón Palacio, were arrested and turned over to the authorities.

“At any moment, a new canteen will be opened at #74 Santos Degollado street, as the bloodiest mockery of public morality. They are turning Irapuato into the dirtiest center of vice in Bajío” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948) reported the strawberry press. New alcohol outlets in Berriozábal and Santos Degollado streets (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío 1948). Injured in a canteen on Lerdo de Tejada street, owned by Lucio Gutiérrez; the doctor José Briones Pérez, treated the affected person (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948). In the same Lerdo de Tejada street, but in a canteen owned by Francisco Campos, the following incident occurred: Jorge Ortega “El Zeppelin” murdered José Hernández Sánchez, a worker at the “El Águila” Cigar Company. The events took place at five in the afternoon on Sunday. The victim died in the Civil Hospital, at 7 at night (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948)

“In the canteens money is gambled and women are admitted. Workers leave their wages in taverns; In addition to risking chance, being victims of gamblers who, due to their bad arts, do not allow the development of a fair game that gives them chances of victory” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948) recorded the journalism of the time, who also, he turned against the Municipal President of Irapuato, due to the lukewarmness of his actions.

Manuel Guerrero, then Municipal President of Irapuato, responded that he was accused of providing licenses for the opening of canteens and allocation houses, without foundation. According to Guerrero, the permits granted for open canteens and brothels were granted by his predecessor, Manuel González Carrillo. On December 7, 1947, permission was granted to Felipe Torres for a canteen in house #28 on Guanajuato Street. On the 10th of the same month and year, Elena González Muñoz was authorized to open a brothel, selling beer, on Calle Niños Héroes #78. On December 26, Benjamín Loera was allowed to open a canteen in house #4 on Álvaro Obregón street (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1948), Guerrero said.

The administration of Manuel González Carrillo, according to Manuel Guerrero, mayor of Irapuato in 1948, authorized the transfer of the following canteens:

1.- Property of José María López Mares, from the corner of Colón and Leandro Valle to Lerdo de Tejada and Mercado Aquiles Serdán, on December 22.

2.- Property of Jesús Elías Arredondo, from November 20 #77 and 79 to Lerdo de Tejada #7.

3.- Property of Francisco Martínez González, from Doctor Liceaga #54 to Manuel Doblado #1.

In 1948 there were canteens at Berriozábal #17, Santos Degollado, Terán and Colón. In Morelos pulquerias. In the area of ​​the Aquiles Serdán and Central markets, too. The existence of a clandestine brothel was recorded at #52 Calzada Insurgentes, in front of the Colegio Vasco de Quiroga. La Hélice and El K.CH.T stood out, pulque bars attended by the strawberry cumbancha. Vice centers abounded.

Harmful of drunkenness, canteens were places where games of chance were promoted. With that justification, in May 1949, Las Delicias, owned by Antonio López Soriano, and La Esperanza, owned by Esperanza Trejo, were cancelled. Others that worked in the streets of Niños Héroes #10 and Guerrero #12 suffered the same fate. "About 40 canteens in Irapuato that do not meet the legal requirements for their operation will be closed," declared the City Council (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1949).

La Hélice, a pulque bar located on the streets of Colón and Isabel La Católica, was closed by the Municipality, due to its proximity to a school. Using the influence of the owner of the Hotel Rioja, the pulquería resumed activities in house #26 in Vallarta, leased to Lucio Jaime. The new location of La Hélice was close to a shirt factory, the Casa del Deportista and the Niños Héroes and Revolución primary schools. “Parents, affected by the danger that threatens their children, move on the matter. The influential assure that senior federal officials will give strict orders for La Hélice to work” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1950). "In addition to dirty drunken centers, they function as dangerous sentry boxes," said Margarita García Morales, a resident of downtown Irapuato, who also pointed to Guillermo Vera, owner of the Hotel Rioja, as a promoter of vices and immorality (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajio, 1949).

The fondas represented a constant nuisance for the Irapuato authorities, as well as for society as a whole. This is confirmed by the journalistic notes. Many of them operated under the corporate name of inns, but on a daily basis they were more like canteens and brothels (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1950). Wine and women could be had at all times. The inns were concentrated in the vicinity of the Central Market and on Lerdo de Tejada street. “There are women with a happy life. In those shops, authorized to sell beer, the glass of liquor and the company of gallant damsels are added” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1950). The male clientele was numerous. Said fondas meant a zone of tolerance, with their respective mitotes. The bartenders claimed unfair competition, taxed heavily.

With streamers included, on April 27, 1951, the local newspapers announced the permanent searches in vice centers, with the purpose of curbing crime (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1951). Government measures did not achieve their goal:

“A 45 pistol shot went through both legs, early yesterday morning. A woman with a gallant life was injured early yesterday morning. The second lieutenant, Benjamín Cuevas Gómez and Miguel Zamora Santoyo, his friend, were dancing with María Luisa Jiménez and Bertha Ramírez, when the second took out a 45-caliber pistol. He cut the cartridge and pointed it at Bertha. Tired of tolerating his recklessness, she snatched the pistol from him and handed it over to the second lieutenant. Zamora Santoyo, indignant and possessed of blind rage, pounced on the soldier. He intended to retrieve the weapon. As he was holding her firmly, she wanted to strip him of the one he was wearing with the uniform. The gun barrel got stuck in the holster and it was then that a shot was fired that wounded María Luisa Jiménez, going through both of her legs. The Red Cross transferred the wounded person to the Civil Hospital with the doctor, José Briones Pérez. Those involved were made available to the Federal Public Ministry (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1951)”.

From August to December 1950, the Irapuato newspapers followed the relocation of the tolerance zone with attention and detail. This was located in the streets of Granaditas and Juan Escutia. It was traveled to Guillermo Prieto street, to later be concentrated, in its entirety and definitively, on Manuel Acuña street (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1950). Manuel Acuña street was chosen for its irregular horseshoe shape. This facilitated the construction of a wall so that it was impossible to access the brothels through Primo Verdad street. “This measure will constitute a zone delimited and excluded from the transit of children and honest ladies. These dissipation centers constitute the worst example and the greatest danger to morality” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1950). In the Irapuato of 1950, Guillermo Prieto street was a distant point of the population. The measures entered into force on December 1, 1950. At the same time, two primary schools were built on Calzada Insurgentes, where the Military Hospital used to operate.

This academic work was written in June 2020. Today the surroundings of the old Hotel Rioja continue to be taken over by street prostitution, while the zone of tolerance admitted as official is in Isabel "La Católica", a few meters from the bus station. The situation has not changed much. In essence, prostitution and canteens continue to inhabit the center of Irapuato. The pulquerias disappeared. On Calle Colón there are some bad-looking breweries.

Mexican norteño music

It is a cultural phenomenon that has been stigmatized for its proximity to canteens. The northern one is located and is found around the centers of vice. This music is a product of the postwar American cultural industries. As cultural merchandise, it was consolidated in the 1950s with Los Alegres de Terán.

The reader should pay attention to the construction of this section. Methodologically, it is elaborated with interviews, with newspapers and with the consultation of a couple of books. The sources used must be of academic quality and have value within the subject studied. As you go through the following pages, you will realize that norteño music is approached from the biographical data of performers, something standard in historical music studies, but we also go through problems such as plagiarism, violence, and machismo. The role of beer companies as sponsors and performance spaces for Mexican norteño music is considered. The reader must pay attention to the data, their treatment and the sources used in the construction of the section.

Stereotypes about the Mexican northerner are still valid. In the most recent season of Vecinos, a television program produced by Eugenio Derbez and broadcast by TELEVISA, the López-Pérez from Angangueo, Michoacán, are ridiculed by their condominium partners due to their musical tastes. The matriarch of the López-Pérez family listens to music by Cornelio Reyna, Chayito Valdés and Las Jilguerillas, a circumstance that leads to a strong reprimand from the wife of Frankie Rivers, a frustrated actor and film director. Neighbors is a series that continues to reproduce stereotypes linked to popular music. There is a problem for the new cultural history in the description of the mediated fact.

The character of Lorena refers to norteña as “canteen music”. TELEVISA portrays Michoacán as the cultural periphery of Mexico. Let us remember the character of Jaimito “El cartero” in the Gómez Bolaños series and the constant mockery of Paracho, in his evening soap operas, as a production center for common guitars.

“They said that Los Relámpagos del Norte were monsters, something that had never been seen before” (Schkolnik, 2001, 17). Ramón Ayala and Cornelio Reyna modernized Mexican northern music. They evolved to the accordion and the bajo sexto. Thanks to them, dances, now called “massives”, began to be held in the halls of Monterrey, in addition to being held on the terraces of the towns of Tamaulipas and Texas.

Servando Cano, producer of Los Relámpagos del Norte, recalls a dance on the terrace in San Nicolás, Nuevo León. On a Thursday night, they did two shows. They put 10,000 people in. They relied on the TKR and the BJB, to make the promotion. “Soda and beer were sold at the dance; women paid 20 and men 40 pesos” (Schkolnik, 2001, 33). Los Relámpagos already had a label in the United States. As a result of the success in San Nicolás, they obtained a recording label in Mexico. The Northern Lightning were made up of José Martínez "El barragas", Ramón Ayala Garza, Cornelio Reyna Cisneros and Richie Vela.

Lyrics in norteño music in the 1960s and 1970s focused on heterosexual infatuation. There was seriousness in the composer's work. Reynaldo Martínez, Basilio Villarreal, Homero Aguilar, Rosendo Montiel and Servando Cano himself stood out with Nothing happens, It's not even that you were so lucky and But how am I going to hate you. The first recorded by Los Herederos de Nuevo León, the second by Los Invasores de Nuevo León and the third by Los Rancheritos del Topo Chico (Schkolnik, 2001, p.56). Los Relámpagos del Norte transformed norteño music.

“It made me angry when they told me it was cantina music” (Schkolnik 2001) emphasizes Cano, who is the businessman responsible, along with Oscar Flores, for positioning norteño music in central Mexico. “My goal was to make it a success, to reach other levels until I stopped seeing it as music for cantinas” (Schkolnik, 2001, 99). Cano and his Northern Lightning filled Mexican northern music with modernity.

From the first moment, when he was a partner of Paulino Bernal, he was in charge of promoting a clean, strong and innovative sound. He invited Los Relámpagos del Norte to use the latest instruments; that's how they changed the snare drum for the drums and the tololoche for the electric bass. “When people heard the songs with drums and electric bass they were surprised. It was something that had not been seen in norteño music” (Schkolnik, 2001, 98). In 1954, Cano had arrived in Reynosa, coming from Monterrey. It was in Tamaulipas where he met Ramón Ayala Garza and Cornelio Reyna Cisneros (Schkolnik, 2001, 122).

Las Hermanas Huerta from Tampico, Tamaulipas, are one of the most important female projects in the history of Mexican norteño music, along with Dueto Río Bravo, and the Jilguerillas from Michoacán. Curious that the interpreters reviled by writers and producers of the Neighbors series, are pillars of Mexican music. He speaks of a profound deculturalization in the television world, of the discrimination and racism that TELEVISA continues to promote.

The Huerta Sisters were the artists with the most performances in the Corona Stars Caravan, produced by Guillermo Vallejo. José Alfredo Jiménez and Enrique Guzmán compete with them in presentations. Daughters of a man from San Pedro, Nuevo León; Aurora and Luz Huerta began their career at XEFW in Tampico. In the beginning they presented themselves as Luz and Lucerito. The enormous distance of José Alfredo Jiménez is a gift for Las Hermanas Huerta. Vallejo met Luz and Aurora Huerta in an ice cream shop in Tampico (Chao, 1995, 28).

Considered marginal and typical of cantinas, norteño music has suffered censorship, finger pointing, and persecution. It is not the only cultural manifestation associated with the masses that suffers such a fate. The corrido has been punished, permanently. This is what happened in 1927, when the Government of Mexico City issued a prohibitionist provision that limited corrido composers and singers from selling their printed lyrics in the historic center. The marketing of his corridos was limited "to the neighborhoods of the capital." The authorities' argument was the riot and crowds, "which makes traffic difficult in the first square" (Chao, 1995, 36).

The censorship and prohibition that popular music has suffered is explained by Mexican careerism. We prosecute from the moralizing pulpit. It is not surprising that the always controversial, Carmen Salinas, declared in 1989 that Rambo's films were more violent and destructive than file movies. Salinas's sayings reflect the weariness against the hegemonic-dominant culture. The Mexican comedian made her first steps in ranches in Coahuila, invited by Daniel Herrera "Sanfarinfas". In January 1989, Salinas released a record and Olivia Collins starred in Noche de vultures, a film in which she shared credits with Mario Almada (Northwest, 1989).

In a provocative tone, Noroeste de Mazatlán published in 1992 that Chalino Sánchez "has sold more copies of his acetates than Luis Miguel." According to the author of the journalistic report, the music with the tambora and the popular voice of Chalino Sánchez provide a true touch to the reality of the people of Sinaloa. "Chalino sells more than Luis Miguel because his market can acquire his product en masse and popular. On the other hand, Luis Miguel has a youthful and feminine audience" (Noroeste, 1992). On April 4, 1992, Chalino Sánchez, Lorenzo de Monteclaro, Ramón López Alvarado's La Costeña Band, Hermanos Rubio de Mocorito Band and Sinaloa de Guasave Band, performed on the esplanade of the Ángel Flores de Culiacán baseball stadium. Event sponsored by Carta Blanca beer.

We are in 1992. The films are announced: Ráfaga de Plomo with Mario and Fernando Almada; The City of the Blind with Gabriela Roel, Blanca Guerra, Arcelia Ramírez and Carmen Salinas. The most established groups among the public of Johnny Canales, a show broadcast by Univisión, are Los Bravos del Norte by Ramón Ayala and Los Tigres del Norte, for whom the following is paid:

“Los Tigres del Norte, initiators of the renaissance and diffusion of northern Mexican music, created a cinematographic movement in Mexico and the United States. The brothers Jorge, Hernán and Raúl Hernández, their cousin Oscar Lara and José Guadalupe Olivo, decided to form a group and play in serenades and family parties in their native Rosamorada, Sinaloa. Jorge, who had received music classes, and who transmitted this knowledge to his brothers, saw that the future was on the other side, there in the United States, where Mexicans yearn for their customs and their music. The year 1971 was definitive for that Los Tigres del Norte became idols, with an LP record that included the song Contrabando y Traición. This corrido earned them a gold record in Mexico, a gold record in Chicago, a gold record in San Antonio, Texas. In 1974 they performed at the University Stadium in Berkeley, California, with an attendance of 80,000 people. They were the representatives of northern Mexican music, in a world festival. His theme, Juanita la treacherous, was used to musicalize The border man by Charles Branson; Roberto Stock of Los Intocables, took One day at a time to score the television series, Different Strocks in the United States. The Red Car Band put music to an audiovisual against drug use, broadcast in universities in the United States, in the 1970s. (Los Tigres del Norte, 1980)”.

At the aforementioned situation, Ramón Ayala Garza was in legal trouble. According to El Norte de Monterrey, the norteño accordionist appeared before the Federal Public Ministry of Mexico, to respond to formal accusations against him for the crime of plagiarism of artistic material. Ramón Ayala Garza was accused by Juan Ávila Díaz of having stolen the corrido, Carrera 585. The composition was awarded to Julián Garza Arredondo, creator of Las tres tumbas and Dos cruces. (Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, 1946).

Ramón Ayala Garza defended himself by arguing that the production and design of the records are not the task of the musicians. Those responsible are the executives of Freddie Records, the label in charge of the production. It is the labels that agree with the composers. The musician clarified that Freddy Martínez is the owner of the record company located in Corpus Christi, Texas, United States (Northwest, 1992).

The lawsuit pointed to Ramón Ayala and Basilio Villarreal, owner of the reproduction machine in Mexico, as responsible for plagiarism. He also accused Julián Garza, since he appears as the author of the corrido. Juan Ávila and Basilio Villarreal reached an agreement. Villarreal paid 12 million pesos as compensation. In addition to withdrawing from the market records and cassettes in which Julián Garza appears as the author of the corrido. The composer stopped receiving 14 million pesos, seven for performance rights and a similar amount for publishing rights. Juan Ávila is the author of more than 100 songs, 25 of them recorded by northern groups such as Los Satélites de Reynosa by Fidencio Ayala, brother of Ramón Ayala Garza (Northwest, 1992).

Grupo Mazz, like Bronco, Los Temerarios, Los Bukis and Los Yonics, is a group of masses. Thanks to the success of his romantic songs, he reached the Billboard charts. Mazz entered the list of the most listened to songs of the "regional Mexican" type with his new live album. The Mazz Group is popular and versatile; He interprets rancheras, cumbias, corridos, ballads and boleros. "Mazz is at the top of the best regional Mexican songs in the United States" (Northwest, 1992).

Norteña music is found in rodeos, rodeos, charreadas or charro parties, public performance spaces. When writing about the Mexican norteña, the question, methodologically speaking, is not limited to biographical frames of interpreters, performers, and composers. You have to understand the norteña as a cultural phenomenon. This provides increasing possibilities of focus and approach.

In the early 1990s, the jaripeos competed with the rodeos. In Mazatlán, for example, the charro canvas of Colonia Juárez was summoned, where the best charros from Jalisco and southern Sinaloa were presented. It was normal for Banda El Recodo and Banda El Limón to participate in these cultural events, as well as Los Intocables del Norte de Culiacán. They began at 4:00 p.m. "with the traditional country atmosphere, with good bulls, excellent music and proven riders" (Northwest, 1992). In Agua caliente de Gárate, Concordia municipality, in the south of Sinaloa, "you live to the sound of the tambora, the riders and tamers show their skills" (Noroeste, 1992). The jaripeos were enlivened by bands from the region. "As in the films of the national gold cinema, the traditional fair is a merriment that the whole town enjoys." "These are days full of charreadas and drumming, in which our culture is lived."

The rodeo was a cultural practice more linked to the northeast, that is, to Nuevo León and Tamaulipas. "The youngsters put on their boots and then their buckles to throw themselves into the rodeo." Considered a sport, like charrería, the rodeo was held every weekend. Northern and country music groups participated in it, in addition to enjoying the luck that the riders performed. Marín, Los Jacales, Zuazua, Apodaca and Monterrey, Nuevo León, were the most visited places to witness rodeos. "Dressed in Texan hats, jean pants, denim shirts, belts with large buckles and boots of various styles, young people arrive at the canvases and arenas to observe the fate of the riders" (El Porvenir, 1993).

The rise of the charras or charreadas parties, predates that of the rodeos and rodeos. In 1953, for example, the newspapers of Irapuato, Guanajuato, spoke of "a lucid rodeo that will take place on the afternoon of Sunday the 18th of Corrientes in the Coso Revolución with the participation of the famous Queretaro charros Manuel Ordóñez and Gilberto Paredes, who will delight the public riding eight raw mares and eight ladino bulls and presenting the spectacular passage of death” (Guanajuato. Diario del Bajío, 1953). Cockfights were part of the folklore offered by charreadas in the 1950s.

In 1982, El Porvenir de Monterrey announced that "they are preparing fighting cocks to give an exhibition in the big charreada, which will be enlivened by various norteño musical groups today Sunday in the charro del Roble canvas" (El Porvenir, 1982). It was in the tribute of Pedro Yerena, who was accompanied by singers representing the northern bolero, where to the sound of corridos and huapangos, the community participated in the hanging goat, a northeastern community ritual. Yerena was born at the foot of the Topo Chico hill. He began his artistic career in 1947. The event began at 4 in the afternoon, with the "welcome to the reciting cowboy of Topo Chico, Pedro Yerena" (El Porvenir, 1982).

The hanging goat refers to a community festival in Nuevo León, in which riders who show luck related to charrería participate. The hanging goat is a frontier cultural practice, because in it the charrería and the rodeo come together. The norteña and the huapango, musically speaking, predominate at the party. Guillermo Hernández, a UCLA researcher, interviewed the composer of the corrido that bears the same name as the northeastern fandango, and which refers to bloody events that occurred in Marín, Nuevo León. Juan Carlos Ramírez-Pimienta, a disciple of Hernández, recovered the information and donated it to this academic article.

“My name is Antonio Prieto, original composer of the corrido for La chiva colgada. He was a worker at the Cuauhtémoc Moctezuma Brewery in Monterrey. I wrote the corrido because I was there, I knew the story. He had heard corridos on the radio. He knew how to do it. The lyrics as you want, the difficult thing is to put music to it. The hanging goat is made on even ground. They place a bar for the horses to jump and a rope sways from one side to the other. A goat is tied in the middle as if it were a piñata. Jesús González released the winch. Roberto Martínez was the best rider. He almost took her. The events occurred in La Gaviota, a canteen. The goat party ended and all the men went to the canteen. Jesus Gonzalez entered. His brother Manuel arrived and told him: “Here is the gun. kill him”. After a while Roberto comes in and asks for a beer. He stayed where we musicians were singing. He then went out to urinate. Jesús already had a gun and fired six bullets into Roberto's chest. Roberto was 26 years old and Jesús 55. Los Tremendos Gavilanes omitted a stanza that said: “the father of the church ran / gave him his blessing / that's when his mother arrived / said a prayer for him”. The Secretary of Government of Nuevo León, was the first cousin of the late Roberto. The murderer was imprisoned 12 years. The corrido premiered in Marín. The deceased's mother gave permission for it to be sung, but demanded that it not be danced. In 1961 it was recorded by Los Sultanes del Norte, in Mexico City under the name Año del 51. Los Tremendos Gavilanes recorded it as La chiva colgada. Antonio killed him in cold blood. The murderer lived in Monterrey. In 1982 Lalo Medina appreciated as a composer of the corrido; then, in 2008, on a record by Grupo Pesado, Cornelio Reyna Cisneros was listed as the composer of the corrido. The truth is that I am its authentic composer (Prieto, 2008)”.

The stereotype of the Mexican northerner was consolidated in the 1950s. "He had to arrive in the last places of the process of conformation of the regional types" (Ayala 2005, 5-12). Lalo González "Piporro" began as a radio host. In 1951 Pedro Infante invited him to play the role of a northerner, in the film, Here comes Martín Corona. Eulalio “Piporro” took up, interpreted and globalized the stereotype of the Mexican northerner. Lalo González “Piporro” is a vital figure in the study of norteño music.

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Norteño music is performed with instruments. The low sixth is important. As a musical partner, the antecedent of the 20th century bajo sexto is the 19th century seventh guitar, also called the Mexican guitar, an evolution of the seven-course vihuela of the colonial era. The seventh guitar was a handy instrument in the worlds of nineteenth-century popular music. It was common in the execution of syrups. "The strings that were used were made of steel, and for the endorsed ones, they resorted to brass that offered high notes" (García 1997). In the 1940s, it appears associated with typical orchestras and traditional mariachis such as Los Horizontes de Irapuato.

Since colonial times, Paracho has been a renowned guitar center. Leonel and Eloy Barriga Estrada, luthiers from Paracho, Michoacán, at the age of 12, began making yuca guitars. They learned the trade thanks to a guitar player uncle. "At the beginning it was out of necessity that we delved into the art of the guitar, not by choice" (Barriga, 2011). The paternal grandmother sold guitar wood. There they learned the ways of cutting wood: free of threads, without knots, yielding. "All the instruments are dried in the sun, no ovens because they alter the sound" (Barriga, 2011).

Wooden instruments should not be in one piece because they bulge. Naturally, the wider the wood, the more panda. In Paracho there is a battle with humidity and it harms the wood. In a matter of moths there is no problem, because on guitar and bass sexto wood is used that is not compatible with the moth worm. Avocado, palo blanco and soft cedar are woods that tend to rot. It is a natural resistance. "It is important that the wood does not get wet because the humidity rots" (Barriga, 2011). In addition to guitars, they build basso sextos.

In the luthier's trade, the use of the tool is basic. Knives are the hardest to handle. "He who does not cut himself, is a bad guitar player". For example, to fix an arm, you hold it with your legs, "sometimes it goes over to one and we cut ourselves." Then come the rescuadores, the brushes in their different sizes. After mastering the tool, the bending skill must be developed; heat is not an option because it burns the wood. It works by touch. "When you don't have practice, you bend them too much and you break them" (Barriga, 2011). It's time to assemble.

Before they were called guitar players, now they are called luthiers. 30 years ago the guitar maker did not care about quality, because the instrument was consumed by masses lacking in musical training. "There was a lot of demand, it was sold however you made it and wanted it." The guitar fulfilled the essential characteristics. “The music has always been exact, but not the builders. We move with the market” (Barriga, 2011). Two premises must guide the work of the luthier: the musician is the one who has the last word, quality must be shared with the taste of the performer.

“The shorter the pull, the greater the string tension, like the requinto. Short is sharper” (Barriga, 2011). Someone who works on trucks needs an instrument that "sounds tough." Large body guitars to increase the sound. Lauding string instruments is an art, a tradition, a trade that is passed down in the family. It continues in force in Paracho, Michoacán, despite the mockery of TELEVISA. Producers and writers of series for mass consumption such as Neighbors ridicule popular music, ignoring its keys, its dynamics, its history and its importance. The salsa singer already said it, television talent.

Conclusions

NHC is taught by research. It is the axis on which this academic article was built. The NHC is a way of making history, as the previous pages have shown. The historical periods are the same as in the national history. What defines cultural history, as well as social history and history from below, to cite two relevant examples, is the framing, the focus, the problematization. It is finely woven from the approach to the problem, from the delimitation, from the methodology, from the disposition, choice, use, treatment and interpretation of the historical sources.

There is a fact that is the Independence of Mexico in the 19th century, from it we can write a political history, a social history, a history from below, a history of women and a cultural history. It is prudent to delimit regions, municipalities and state political divisions, even if these are arbitrary and artificial. There are methodological possibilities about the same event. Writing academic history is a profession that begins in the classroom and is perfected in practice. It is an intellectual process that takes time.

When teaching history, it is important that the teacher not only notice the data, the dates, the anecdotes and the linearity of the events. The history teacher who promotes scientific thought among his students, dissects from the use of sources, talks about the different ways of doing history and gives considerable weight to research. Teaching history is bringing the student closer to research. Ideally, during a history course, the teacher schedules visits to museums, historical archives, and takes a guided tour of city streets, because history is also in their names. We must humanize history, show it understandable, pragmatic and everyday. As long as history is professionalized, its teaching in the classroom will improve. The success of a history class is not measured from the grades, nor from the memorization of dates. The key is to promote scientific thinking.

It is desirable that the NHC be taught in classrooms from primary school. Doing so will provide more human perspectives on the characters that move through the story and help students channel their historical emotions in more human ways. The official history is alien and insensitive to the realities that we have to live. It promotes hatred, division, victimization and disqualification. Different educational models of the 21st century, globally, prioritize training in values, socio-emotional work and inclusion. As I have verified, the national or official history is contrary to the principles on which education in the 21st century revolves.

We must reconsider whether to achieve common goals, we should teach cultural history in the classroom. It is a way of making history that is inclusive, interesting, tolerant, inventive, practical and everyday. Undoubtedly, the NHC is the one that best establishes the functionality of historical knowledge. It invites cosmopolitanism, delicious foreignism, knowledge and appreciation of indigenous groups with whom you live. For example, thanks to the NHC we know of the current African influence in our vocabulary, in the culture of dance and in the reading of the body through salsa, bachata, reggaeton, tango and zarabanda.

Reading about the 19th century from a cultural point of view is fascinating. One is discovering the theater, the circus actors and the tents; puppeteers and opera makers. The cultural history of the 19th century tells about stereotypes, about ballroom dancing and describes the taste for popular airs. Seeing history from its cultural window is an opportunity that every human being should enjoy. Certainly, plans and programs of the instances that in the different countries dictate the educational paths, continue betting on the official history.

References

Books

Ankersmit, F. (2011). Linguistic turn, literary theory and historical theory. Buenos Aires: Prometheus.

Burke, P. (2004). What is cultural history? Barcelona: Paidos.

Schkolnik, K. (2011). Serving Cano. Impulse and visionary of northern music. Mexico: Lago Editions.

Chao, G. (1995). The Crown Caravan. Cradle of the show in Mexico. Mexico: Madero Printing.

García, A. (1997). And the hands that make the song out of wood. Mexico: CONACULTA.

Magazine article

Ayala, A. (2005). The northerners seen by Guillermo Prieto. Music Magazine in Monterrey, (3), 5-12.

Hernández, A. (2010). What is cultural history? Frontiers of History, 15(2), 417-421.

Herrejón, C. (1994). Tradition. Sketch of some concepts. Relations, (59), 135-149.

Heron P. (1994). The mechanisms of tradition. Relations, (59), 181-208.

The Northern Tigers. (1980). Play everything easy, (160), 1-22.

Madrazo, M. (2005). Some considerations about the meaning of tradition. Contributions from Coatepec, 2 (9), 115-132.

Chinchilla, P. (2005). Peter Burke. Cultural historian. Sequence, (62), 209-230.

Interviews

Prieto, Antonio (February 23, 2008). The Mexican corrido [Audio file]. Copy in possession of the author.

Barriga, Eloy (December 15, 2011). Ethnolaudery [Audio file]. Copy in possession of the author.

Ayala, Miguel (January 8, 2019). Cantinas in Irapuato [Audio file]. Copy in possession of the author.

Press article

(March 7, 1909). The Michoacan. Groceries and canteen. The Day, p.2.

(March 21, 1909). Providence. The Day, p.1.

(October 11, 1931). Iron fist for bartenders. Labour, p.3.

(May 22, 1932). Canteens should not be pawnshops. Labour, p.1.

(October 29, 1941). Robbed in a sordid canteen. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 23, 1942). Made of blood in the tolerance zone. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(November 17, 1942). Zipizape in a vice center. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(January 20, 1942). Scandal that was incubated inside a canteen. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(January 20, 1946). Not one more canteen will open in Irapuato. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 15, 1946). A just protest from jukebox holders. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 15, 1946). Protection of the bartenders. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 19, 1946). At last, effective measures against vices are enacted. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 21, 1946). The bartenders won the provisional suspension. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 23, 1946). Canteen that is the theater of frequent scandals. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 23, 1946). Valid for protection from the District Judge, the bartenders work overtime. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 2, 1946). You can't sleep at night on Leandro Valle street. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 19, 1946). A tragedy was about to take place in the Rioja canteen. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 19, 1946). The residents of Guerrero street, ask that a canteen not be opened. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 19, 1946). Intolerable scandals in a central brewery. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(July 2, 1946). Bracero robbed and exploited in a vice center. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(May 4, 1947). Dirty brothel canteen where crimes of all kinds are recorded. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(February 21, 1948). Black crime of a suburban thug, yesterday morning. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(February 27, 1948). Another canteen about to open on Santos Degollado street. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 24, 1948). Two other outlets of alcoholic beverages in this town. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(March 30, 1948). He throws the blame for the growing vice on the past administration. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(June 3, 1948). Injured in a canteen by an abusive police agent. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(August 29, 1948). Strict restrictions for vice centers. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(August 29, 1948). Strict restrictions for vice centers. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(September 8, 1948). He was kicked out by an Águila worker. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(November 28, 1948). Canteens converted into sentry boxes and with free entry for women. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(May 28, 1949). Sordid canteens in the suburbs were closed by the authorities yesterday. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(July 21, 1949). Numerous lawsuits filed against the Hotel Rioja, before the Conciliation Board. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(August 18, 1950). Influencers who sponsored the reopening of a vice center. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(August 30, 1950). The brothels of the central Granaditas street will be evicted. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(3 September 1950). The displacement of the tolerance zone will be made shortly. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(September 16, 1950). Inns-taverns that are a true rower. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(November 30, 1950). The inns of the central market, a zone of tolerance in small. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(April 27, 1951). Activate police search in canteens and vice centers to curb crime. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(September 9, 1951). In a vulgar struggle, a woman with a gallant life was injured. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.2.

(January 18, 1953). Charro party in the Revolución bullring, today. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.8.

(June 20, 1982). Cockfight in charreada today. Guanajuato. Bajío Newspaper, p.6.

(7 February 1989). Rambo movies are more destructive than the files. Northwest, p.4.

(February 7, 1992). The jaripeo, a national entertainment. Northwest, p.7.

(February 13, 1992). Ramón Ayala in serious trouble. Northwest, p.5.

(March 13, 1992). The high altitude jaripeos return. Northwest, p.3.

(April 3, 1992). Luis Miguel sells records internationally, but in Culiacán Chalino Sánchez beats him. Northwest, p.9.

(22 September 1993). Tough young men throw themselves into the rodeo. The Future, p.7.